Category: International news


Julian Assange, the man behind the world’s biggest leaks, believes in total openness and transparency – except when it comes to himself. Nikki Barrowclough tracked him down. By Nikki Barrowclough (SMH)
14 Jun 2010

Julian Assange has never publicly admitted that he’s the brains behind Wikileaks, the website that has so radically rewritten the rules in the information era. He did, however, register a website, Leaks.org, in 1999. ”But then I didn’t do anything with it.”

Wikileaks appeared on the internet three years ago. It acts as an electronic dead drop for highly sensitive or secret information: the pure stuff, in other words, published straight from the secret files to the world. No filters, no rewriting, no spin. Created by an online network of dissidents, journalists, academics, technology experts and mathematicians from various countries, the website also uses technology that makes the original sources of the leaks untraceable.

In April the website released graphic, classified video footage of an American helicopter gunship firing on and killing Iraqis in a Baghdad street in 2007, apparently in cold blood. The de-encrypted video, which Wikileaks released on its own sites as well as on YouTube, caused an international uproar.

The Baghdad video has been Wikileaks’ biggest coup to date, although an extraordinary number of unauthorised documents – more than a million – have found their way to the website. These include a previously secret, 110-page draft report by the international investigators Kroll, revealing allegations of huge corruption in Kenya involving the family of the former president Daniel arap Moi; the US government’s classified manual of standard operating procedures for Camp Delta at Guantanamo Bay, which revealed that it was policy to hide some prisoners from the International Committee of the Red Cross; a classified US intelligence report on how to marginalise Wikileaks; secret Church of Scientology manuals; an internal report by the global oil trader, Trafigura, about dumping toxic waste in the Ivory Coast; a classified US profile of the former Icelandic ambassador to the US in which the ambassador is praised for helping quell publicity about the CIA’s activities involving rendition flights; and the emails leaked from the embattled Climate Research Unit at East Anglia in Britain, last November, which triggered the so-called ”climategate” scandal.

That’s one leak which might have bemused those conservatives convinced that Wikileaks was run by ultra-lefties. In the blogosphere, meanwhile, conspiracy theories abound that Wikileaks is a CIA cyber-ops plot.

Two years ago a Swiss bank in Zurich, Julius Baer, succeeded in temporarily closing down the website with a US District Court injunction after Wikileaks published documents detailing how the bankers hid their wealthy clients’ funds in offshore trusts (the banned documents reappeared on Wikileaks ”mirror” sites in places such as Belgium and Britain).

The Australian government, too, has made noises about going after the website, after the Australian Communications and Media Authority’s list of websites it may ban if the Rudd government goes ahead with its proposed internet censorship plan turned up on Wikileaks last year.

To say that the list of rattled people in high places around the world is growing because of Wikileaks is an understatement. The fact that the website has no headquarters also means the conventional retaliatory measures – phones tapped, a raid by the authorities – are impossible. Intense interest in Julian Assange began well before the Baghdad video was released, and viewed 4.8 million times by the end of its first week. The former teenage hacker from Melbourne, whose mystique as an internet subversive, a resourceful loner with no fixed address, travelling constantly between countries with laptop and backpack, constitutes what you might call Assange’s romantic appeal.

But then there’s the flip side: a man who believes in extreme transparency, but evades and obfuscates when it comes to talking about himself in the rare interviews that he gives. In the past, at least, these have hardly ever been face to face.

The secretiveness extends to those close to him. One woman who speaks to me on the condition of total anonymity lived in the same share house in Melbourne as Assange for a few months in early 2007, when Wikileaks was in its incubation period. The house was the hub, and it was inhabited by computer geeks.

There were beds everywhere, she says. There was even a bed in the kitchen. This woman slept on a mattress in Assange’s room, and says she would sometimes wake up in the middle of the night to find him still glued to his computer. He frequently forget to eat or sleep, wrote mathematical formulas all over the walls and the doors, and used only red light bulbs in his room – on the basis that early man, if waking suddenly, would see only the gentle light of the campfire, and fall asleep again. He also went through a period of frustration that the human body has to be fed several times a day and experimented with eating just one meal every two days, in order to be more efficient. ”He was always extremely focused,” she says.

Well before meeting Assange, I’d thought how much he seemed like a character from Stieg Larsson’s trilogy of blockbuster novels. One of Larsson’s brilliant computer geniuses, taking on the world’s wicked and powerful. Or a more youthful Mikael Blomkvist, with an Australian accent.

Larsson died six years ago. But could the Swedish crime writer and Assange have met?

Assange first visited Sweden in the 1990s – and Wikileaks is hosted on a main server in Sweden, where the identities of confidential sources are protected by law.

This doesn’t prove anything, of course – and Wikileaks only moved its main server to Sweden two years ago, after the Julius Baer Bank tried to close down the website. Even so, I email Eva Gabrielsson, Larsson’s widow, to ask if the two of them ever met Assange – explaining that he helped research a remarkable 1997 book, Underground, about the exploits of an extraordinary group of young Melbourne hackers, written by the Melbourne academic Suelette Dreyfus. The hackers all had monikers in the book: Assange is said to be the character Mendax. Assange convinced Dreyfus to release the book online, and according to one source I spoke to, there was great interest in the book in Sweden – and in China.

”About Julian Assange – well, why don’t you ask him?” Gabrielsson emails back.

It isn’t the most urgent question I have for Assange, who I meet in early May, the day after he slips back into Melbourne, his home town. He arrived on a flight from Europe, via the US. Or so I understand from the person acting as our inbetween.

The same contact provides a Melbourne address, and instructions. ”Don’t call a cab, find one on the street; turn off your mobile phone before you catch the cab and preferably, remove the batteries.”

And here he is – a tall, thin, pale figure with that remarkable white hair, looking very tired, and wearing creased, student-style dark clothes and boots, and backpack.

As we shake hands, he inclines his head slightly in a courtly, old world manner, at odds with his youthful, student-traveller looks. When I remark that there’s a lot to ask him, he replies, ”That’s all right – I’m not going to answer half of it.”

Is Assange his real name? Yes, he replies, then says it’s the name in his passport. ”What’s in a name?” he then adds mysteriously, casting doubt on his first answer.

At the time of writing, his passport status was apparently back to normal after immigration officials at Melbourne Airport said that his passport was going to be cancelled on the grounds that it was too tatty.

It has been in a couple of rivers, Assange allows of the state of his passport. The first time, as he recalls, in December 2006, when he was crossing a swollen river during heavy rain in southern Tasmania, and was swept out to sea. He swam back in. ”My conclusion from that experience is that the universe doesn’t give a damn about you, so it’s a good thing you do.”

Why did he have his passport with him? He had everything he needed for three weeks of survival, he replies. He needed his passport for ID when he flew to Tasmania.

Doesn’t he have a driver’s licence? ”No comment.”

How true is the image of him as the enigmatic founder of Wikileaks, constantly on the move, with no real place to call home? Is this really how he lives his life?

”Do I live my life as an enigmatic man?”

No – is it true you’re constantly on the move?

”Pretty much true.”

Does he have one base he’d call home?

”I have four bases where I would go if I was sick, which is how I think about where home is.”

He has spent the best part of the past six months in Iceland, he says. And the next six months? ”It depends on which area of the world I’m needed most. We’re an international organisation. We deal with international problems,” he replies.

Assange mentions four bases, but names only two. The one in Iceland and another in Kenya, where he has spent a lot of time, on and off, in the past couple of years.

The Kroll report, released on Wikileaks, reportedly swung the Kenyan presidential election in 2007.

When he’s in the country, Assange lives in a compound in Nairobi with other foreigners, mainly members of NGOs such as Medecins Sans Frontieres. He originally went to Kenya in 2007 to give a lecture on Wikileaks, when it was up and running. ”And ended up staying there,” I suggest encouragingly.

”Mmmm.”

As a result of liking the place or …

”Well, it has got extraordinary opportunities for reforms. It had a revolution in the 1970s. It has only been a democracy since 2004 … I was introduced to senior people in journalism, in human rights very quickly.”

He has travelled to Siberia. Is there a third base there?

”No comment. I wish. The bear steak is good.”

Why did he go to Georgia?

”How do you know about that?”

I read it somewhere, I reply. It was a rumour. ”Ah, a rumour,” he says.

But he did go there? ”It’s better that I don’t comment on that, because Georgia is not such a big place.”

Living permanently in a state of exile, which can become addictive, means that you always have the sharp eye of the outsider, I suggest.

”The sense of perspective that interaction with multiple cultures gives you I find to be extremely valuable, because it allows you to see the structure of a country with greater clarity, and gives you a sense of mental independence,” Assange replies.

“You’re not swept up in the trivialities of a nation. You can concentrate on the serious matters. Australia is a bit of a political wasteland. That’s OK, as long as people recognise that. As long as people recognise that Australia is a suburb of a country called Anglo-Saxon.”

Could he ever live in one place again? A brief silence. ”I don’t think so,” he says finally.

”I don’t see myself as a computer guru,” he remarks at one point. ”I live a broad intellectual life. I’m good at a lot of things, except for spelling.”

At one point, thinking about some of the material leaked on Wikileaks, I ask Assange how he defines national security. ”We don’t,” he says crisply. “We’re not interested in that. We’re interested in justice. We are a supranational organisation. So we’re not interested in national security.”

How does he justify keeping his own life as private as possible, considering that he believes in extreme transparency?

”I don’t justify it,” he says, with just a hint of mischievousness. ”No one has sent us any official documents that were not published previously on me. Should they do so, and they meet our editorial criteria, we will publish them.”

Assange isn’t paid a salary by Wikileaks. He has investments, which he won’t discuss. But during the 1990s he worked in computer security in Australia and overseas, devised software programmes – in 1997 he co-invented ”Rubberhose deniable encryption”, which he describes as a cryptographic system made for human rights workers wanting to protect sensitive data in the field – and also became a key figure in the free software movement.

The whole point of free software, he comments, is to ”liberate it in all senses”. He adds: ”It’ s part of the intellectual heritage of man. True intellectual heritage can’t be bound up in intellectual property.”

Did being arrested, and later on finding himself in a courtroom, push him into a completely different reality that he had never thought about – and eventually in a direction that eventually saw him start thinking along the lines of a website like Wikileaks, that would take on the world?

”That [experience] showed me how the justice system and bureaucracy worked, and did not work; what its abilities were and what its limitations were,” he replies. ”And justice wasn’t something that came out of the justice system. Justice was something that you bring to the justice system. And if you’re lucky, or skilled, and you’re in a country that isn’t too corrupt, you can do that.”

In another life, Assange might have been a mathematician. He spent four years studying maths, mostly at Melbourne University – with stints at the Australian National University in Canberra – but never graduated, disenchanted, he says, with how many of his fellow students were conducting research for the US defence system.

”There are key cases which are just really f—ing obnoxious,” he says.

According to Assange, the US Defence Advance Research Project Agency was funding research which involved optimising the efficiency of a military bulldozer called the Grizzly Plough, which was used in the Iraqi desert during Operation Desert Storm during the 1991 Gulf War.

”It has a problem in that it gets damaged [from] the sand rolling up in front. The application of this bulldozer is to move at 60 kilometres an hour, sweeping barbed wire and so on before it, and get the sand and put it in the trenches where the [Iraqi] troops are, and bury them all alive and then roll over the top. So that’s what Melbourne University’s applied maths department was doing – studying how to improve the efficiency of the Grizzly Plough.”

Assange says he did a lot of soul-searching before he finally quit his studies in 2007. He had already started working with other people on a model of Wikileaks by early 2006.

There were people at the physics conference, he goes on, who were career physicists, ”and there was just something about their attire, and the way they moved their bodies, and of course the bags on their backs didn’t help much either. I couldn’t respect them as men”.

His university experience didn’t define his cynicism, though. Assange says that he’s extremely cynical anyway. ”I painted every corner, floor, wall and ceiling in the ‘room’ I was in, black, until there was only one corner left. I mean intellectually,” he adds. ”To me, it was the forced move [in chess], when you have to do something or you’ll lose the game.”

So Wikileaks was his forced move?

”That’s the way it feels to me, yes. There were no other options left to me on the table.”

Wikileaks, he says, has released more classified documents than the rest of the world press combined.

”That’s not something I say as a way of saying how successful we are – rather, that shows you the parlous state of the rest of the media. How is it that a team of five people has managed to release to the public more suppressed information, at that level, than the rest of the world press combined? It’s disgraceful.”

Where does Assange see Wikileaks in 10 years? “It’s not what I want the world to be. It’s what I want the rest of the world to be,” he replies.

He would like to see all media develop their own forms of Wikileaks. That would put his own website out of business, I point out.

”We have a proposal to [an American foundation] for a grant to just that,” he replies, explaining that Wikileaks could create systems for all media organisations.

A thought: has he ever met Rupert Murdoch? ”No.”

Nor has he met Stieg Larsson, Assange tells me.

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Louis Moreno OcampoLouis Moreno Ocampo The names of suspected masterminds of Kenya’s post election violence have finally been revealed.

The six include senior politicians in the Party of National Unity (PNU) and the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), the main parties that battled it out for the presidency in the disputed 2007 elections.

International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo said Wednesday that the prominent leaders bore “the greatest responsibility” for the violence that left 1,133 people dead and 650,000 displaced.

Finance minister Uhuru Kenyatta, his Industrialisation counterpart Henry Kosgey, Eldoret North MP William Ruto, the head of the civil service Francis Muthaura, former Police Commissioner Hussein Ali and journalist Joshua arap Sang will now receive summons to appear before The Hague- based court.

Mr Moreno-Ocampo was addressing a news conference after presenting before the ICC judges two cases, each involving three individuals.

“The post election period of 2007-2008 was one of the most violent periods of the nation’s history,” said the Prosecutor.

“These were not just crimes against innocent Kenyans,” he said.

“They were crimes against humanity as a whole. By breaking the cycle of impunity for massive crimes, victims and their families can have justice. And Kenyans can pave the way to peaceful elections in 2012.”

Mr Moreno Ocampo said he considered Mr Ruto, Mr Kosgey and Mr arap Sang as the “principal planners and organisers of crimes against PNU supporters”.

He said Mr Muthaura used his position as the chairman of the National Security Advisory Committee to “authorise the police to use excessive force against ODM supporters and to facilitate attacks against ODM supporters”. Major General Ali also faces the same charges.

Mr Kenyatta is accused of mobilising the outlawed sect Mungiki to attack ODM supporters.

Mr Sang used “his radio program to collect supporters and provide signals to members of the plan on when and where to attack,” said the Prosecutor.

He said that “perpetrators” cultivated by Mr Ruto, Mr Kosgey and Mr Sang began to execute their plan by attacking PNU supporters immediately after the results were announced.

“On 30-31 December 2007, they began attacks in target locations including Turbo town, the greater Eldoret area (Huruma, Kimumu, Langas, and Yamumbi), Kapsabet town, and Nandi Hills town. They approached each location from all directions, burning down PNU supporters’ homes and businesses, killing civilians, and systematically driving them from their homes.

“On 1 January 2008, the church located on the Kiambaa farm cooperative was attacked and burned with more than hundred people inside. At least 17 people died. The brunt of the attacks continued into the first week of January 2008.”

Mr Moreno-Ocampo accused government officials: Mr Kenyatta, Mr Muthaura and Major General Ali of planning and executing well coordinated retaliatory attacks.

“On or about 3 January 2008, KENYATTA, as the focal point between the PNU and the criminal organization the Mungiki, facilitated a meeting with MUTHAURA, a senior Government of Kenya official, and Mungiki leaders to organize retaliatory attacks against civilian supporters of the ODM.

“Thereafter, MUTHAURA, in his capacity as Chairman of the National Security Advisory Committee (“NSAC”), telephoned ALI, his subordinate as head of the Kenya Police, and instructed ALI not to interfere with the movement of pro-PNU youth, including the Mungiki.

“KENYATTA additionally instructed the Mungiki leaders to attend a second meeting on the same day to finalise logistical and financial arrangements for the retaliatory attacks,” he said.

The ICC prosecutor said he had no evidence linking President Kibaki or Mr Odinga to the violence.

“”We follow the evidence where it takes us. We are not taking into account political responsibilities … there are political debates, but it is not my responsibility,” Moreno-Ocampo said.

On Tuesday, Mr Moreno-Ocampo issued nine tough conditions that will guarantee freedom to the six.

He warned that he will seek arrest warrants from the Pre-Trial Chamber if the conditions, which range from the suspects frequently informing the ICC judges of their movements to an assurance of not interfering with the witnesses, were flouted.

But three of the six suspects immediately protested their innocence led by Mr Kenyatta.

“My record is clear and it remains very clear that I have never committed any crime,” Mr Kenyatta told reporters at a press conference.

“The ICC prosecutor has done his work, we wait for the outcome of the judges,” he said.

“I now find myself to be a suspect, I am ready to respond to any allegations made against me.”

Mr Ruto also countered Mr Moreno-Ocampo’s accusations saying he was not surprised to be named.

“The issues I have raised have now come to pass. It did not come as a surprise to me,” Mr Ruto said at a press conference at Parliament Buildings.

“All along I knew that there was a deliberate scheme, hatched and executed by people who were not interested in justice,” he said..

Flanked by scores of MPs, Mr Ruto said he was ready to face Mr Ocampo at the Hague.

“I am ready, willing and available to face the prosecutor with his witnesses in court as and when i am required to do so. My conscience is clear, I neither participated, organised or had anything to do with the violence.

“It is just a question of time and the truth will come out and shame the devil,” he said while declining to answer any questions from reporters.

On his part, Mr Muthaura said he had not done anything to warrant criminal prosecution.

“The suggestion that I have done anything to warrant criminal investigation is manifest nonsense. It amounts to an unwarranted slur on my reputation and is both unfair and unjustified,” Mr Muthaura told a hurriedly convened press conference at his Harambee House office.

“To issue summons for a person to appear, the pre-trial Chamber of the ICC needs to be satisfied that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the person for whom the summons is requested committed the crime alleged. No such judicial determination has been made. None,” Mr Muthaura added, flanked by government spokesman Dr Alfred Mutua, President Kibaki’s advisor on the constitution Prof Kivutha Kibwana and a Senior Secretary at the cabinet office, Sam Mwale.

“I wait to see what the judiciary of the ICC make of the Prosecutor’s application. Hopefully they will dismiss his application,” he stated.

“In the event that they do decide to issue summons, I will voluntarily attend The Hague and respect any request the judges of the ICC have for me.”

The documents he gave the court included the names of the six, the crimes they are alleged to have committed and the penalty that he will be asking for.

A three-judge bench will now evaluate the two 80-page bundles of documents and decide whether he can proceed and file the charges he has identified.

Two weeks ago, Mr Moreno-Ocampo had promised to name the suspects during an address to a meeting of the Kenya National Dialogue and Reconciliation, convened by the Panel of Eminent African Personalities chaired by former UN secretary general Kofi Annan at the Crowne Plaza Hotel in Upper Hill, Nairobi.

The prosecutor said the cases had been strengthened by new evidence his team had gathered, in addition to the leads contained in the Waki Commission and Kenya National Commission on Human Rights reports.

“Since last March, when the judges issued an authorisation, my office has been investigating post electoral violence. We collected new evidence, including testimonies, videos and documents. We are not going to discuss our evidence in the media. We will do it in court,” he said.

He said the Waki Commission and the KNCHR reports were key in the investigations into the post election chaos but they only provided the background on which his team based its inquiries.

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