Category: America


Luis Moreno-Ocampo

Luis Moreno-Ocampo
Born 1952
Buenos Aires
Nationality Argentine
Title International Criminal Court Prosecutor
Term 2003-present

Luis Moreno-Ocampo (born 4 June 1952)[citation needed] is an Argentine lawyer who has been the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) since 16 June 2003. He previously worked as a prosecutor in Argentina, famously combating corruption and prosecuting human rights abuses by senior military officials. He has also lectured in criminal law and practiced law privately.

Career in Argentina

Moreno-Ocampo graduated from the University of Buenos Aires Law School in 1978, and from 1980 to 1984 he worked as a law clerk in the office of the Solicitor General.

From 1984 to 1992, Moreno-Ocampo worked as a prosecutor in Argentina.[2] He first came to public attention in 1985, as Assistant Prosecutor in the “Trial of the Juntas“—the first time since the Nuremberg Trials that senior military commanders were prosecuted for mass killings.[2][3] Nine senior commanders, including three former heads of state, were prosecuted and five of them were convicted.[2] He served as District Attorney for the Federal Circuit of the City of Buenos Aires from 1987 to 1992, during which time he prosecuted the military commanders responsible for the Falklands War, the leaders of two military rebellions, and dozens of high-profile corruption cases.In 1987, he helped United States prosecutors extradite General Guillermo Suárez Mason to Argentina.

He resigned as a prosecutor in 1992 and established a private law firm, Moreno-Ocampo & Wortman Jofre. He defended several controversial figures, including Diego Maradona, former economics minister Domingo Cavallo, and a priest accused of sexually abusing minors.He represented the victims in extradition proceedings against Nazi war criminal Erich Priebke, and also in the trial of the murderer of Chilean General Carlos Prats.

During this time, he was also an Associate Professor of criminal law at the University of Buenos Aires and a visiting professor at Stanford University and Harvard Law School.[1] He has acted as a consultant to the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank and the United Nations.[1] He is a former member of the advisory board of Transparency International and a former president of its Latin America and Caribbean office.

During the late 1990s, he starred in a reality television programme, Fórum, la corte del pueblo, in which he arbitrated private disputes.

The International Criminal Court

The International Criminal Court’s headquarters in The Hague

On 21 April 2003, Moreno-Ocampo was elected unopposed as the first Prosecutor of the new International Criminal Court.[2][3] He was sworn in for a nine-year term on 16 June 2003. As of February 2009, he has opened investigations into four situations: Northern Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Central African Republic and Darfur.[6] The court has issued public arrest warrants for fourteen people; seven of them remain free, two have died, and five are in custody.

Moreno-Ocampo also led an investigation against leaders of the Lord’s Resistance Army, who in 2005 faced arrest warrants by the ICC for crimes against humanity. In October 2006 a media spokesman in the prosecutor’s office filed an internal complaint accusing Moreno-Ocampo of sexual misconduct.A panel of three ICC judges investigated the complaint and found that it was “manifestly unfoundedbut Moreno-Ocampo generated a controversy when he summarily dismissed the staff member who made the complaint. The Administrative Tribunal of the International Labour Organization subsequently awarded the employee almost £120,000 in damages, ruling that Moreno-Ocampo had breached due process and seriously infringed the employee’s rights.The ILO held that the original complaint against Moreno-Ocampo had been made in good faith, and that Moreno-Ocampo should not have participated in the decision to fire the employee as he had a personal interest in the matter.[

Moreno-Ocampo directed an investigation against Germain Katanga and Matthieu Ngudjolo Chui,[10] who received arrest warrants in 2007 and 2008 respectively for crimes against humanity in the Democratic Republic of Congo.[11] In March 2008, according to an Argentine online news report, Moreno-Ocampo explained the FARC, the largest guerrilla group in Colombia, was plausible for an investigation by the International Criminal Court.Moreno-Ocampo began implementing preliminary tests in Colombia, which involved evaluating prosecutions of paramilitary commanders in Colombia, interviews with victims of the FARC, among others.Moreno-Ocampo explained the FARC could be investigated for crimes against humanity. He paid a visit to Colombia in August, after which the ICC launched an investigation on the “support network for FARC rebels outside Colombia.”

The ICC’s first trial, of Congolese militia leader Thomas Lubanga, was suspended on 13 June 2008 when the court ruled that the Prosecutor’s refusal to disclose potentially exculpatory material had breached Lubanga’s right to a fair trial.[13] The Prosecutor had obtained the evidence from the United Nations and other sources on the condition of confidentiality, but the judges ruled that the Prosecutor had incorrectly applied the relevant provision of the Rome Statute and, as a consequence, “the trial process has been ruptured to such a degree that it is now impossible to piece together the constituent elements of a fair trial”.On 2 July 2008, the court ordered Lubanga’s release, on the grounds that “a fair trial of the accused is impossible, and the entire justification for his detention has been removed”but an Appeal Chamber agreed to keep him in custody while the Prosecutor appealed By 18 November 2008, Moreno-Ocampo had agreed to make all the confidential information available to the court, so the Trial Chamber reversed its decision and ordered that the trial could go ahead but Moreno-Ocampo was widely criticised for his actions.

He was also criticised for his decision in July 2008 to publicly charge Omar al-Bashir, the President of Sudan, with genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Antonio Cassese,[22] Rony Brauman[23] and Alex de Waal[24] argued that there was insufficient evidence to charge al-Bashir with genocide. Cassese, a former President of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, had chaired the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Darfur, which concluded in 2005 that the government of Sudan had not pursued a policy of genocide in Darfur. De Waal argued that “for nineteen years, President Bashir has sat on top of a government that has been responsible for incalculable crimes [...] Two weeks ago, Moreno Ocampo succeeded in accusing Bashir of the crime for which he is not guilty. That is a remarkable feat.”Cassese also argued that if Moreno-Ocampo were serious about prosecuting al-Bashir, he should have issued a sealed request and asked the judges to issue a sealed arrest warrant, to be made public only once al-Bashir traveled abroad, instead of publicly requesting the warrant, allowing al-Bashir to avoid arrest simply by remaining in Sudan.[ In November 2008, Moreno-Ocampo requested arrest warrants for rebels responsible for the murder of members from an international peacekeeping force in Darfur.

Leaders from three Darfur tribes, said to be the victims of war crimes, sued Ocampo for libel, defamation and igniting hatred and tribalism

On Wednesday, 15 December 2010, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC), Luis Moreno-Ocampo held a press conference at 12:00 (The Hague local time, 14:00 Nairobi local time) to announce the six prime suspects in the Kenya post election violence of 2007. He named suspended minister of Higher education William Ruto, Minister for Industrialisation Henry Kosgey,Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta, Former police chief Maj Gen Ali Hussein, head of public service Francis Muthaura and journalist Joshua Arap Sang.

links

©http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luis_Moreno-Ocampo


 

 

 

Election Night Victory Speech
Grant Park, Illinois
November 4, 2008

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.

It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.

It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled – Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States of America.

It’s the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.

It’s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America.

I just received a very gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he’s fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Governor Palin for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation’s promise in the months ahead.

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the Vice President-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.

I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last sixteen years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation’s next First Lady, Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that’s coming with us to the White House. And while she’s no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.

To my campaign manager David Plouffe, my chief strategist David Axelrod, and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics – you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you’ve sacrificed to get it done.

But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to – it belongs to you.

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn’t start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington – it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.

It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation’s apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered, and organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished from this Earth. This is your victory. I know you didn’t do this just to win an election and I know you didn’t do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime – two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they’ll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor’s bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.

The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even one term, but America – I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you – we as a people will get there.

There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won’t agree with every decision or policy I make as President, and we know that government can’t solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it’s been done in America for two-hundred and twenty-one years – block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.

What began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek – it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you.

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it’s that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers – in this country, we rise or fall as one nation; as one people.

Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House – a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty, and national unity. Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, “We are not enemies, but friends…though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection.” And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn – I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your President too.

And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world – our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this world down – we will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security – we support you. And to all those who have wondered if America’s beacon still burns as bright – tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from our the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope.

For that is the true genius of America – that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that’s on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She’s a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing – Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.

She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn’t vote for two reasons – because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.

And tonight, I think about all that she’s seen throughout her century in America – the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can’t, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.

At a time when women’s voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.

When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.

When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.

She was there for the buses in Montgomery

the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that “We Shall Overcome.” Yes we can.

A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes we can.

America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonig

h

t, let us ask ourselves – if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?

This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time – to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the caus

e of peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth – that out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that w e can’t, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people:

Yes

We Can. Thank you, God bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America 

 

©kimani wainaina

Mr kimani Wainaina is a correspondent member of FMI.  FMI is not liable to any article from him.

FMI has the right to edit any forein article inorder to meet our ethics

LULA

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva ________________________________________ 35th President of Brazil In office 1 January 2003 – 1 January 2011 Vice President José Alencar Preceded by Fernando Henrique Cardoso Succeeded by Dilma Rousseff ________________________________________ Leader of the Workers’ Party In office 10 February 1980 – 15 November 1994 Preceded by Position established ________________________________________ Born 27 October 1945 (age 65) Caetés, Brazil Political party Workers’ Party Spouse(s) Maria de Lurdes (Deceased) Marisa Letícia Rocco Casa Children Fábio Luís Lurian Cordeiro Luís Cláudio Marcos Cláudio (Adopted) Sandro Luís Residence São Bernardo do Campo Profession Automotive worker Union organizer Religion Roman Catholicism Signature Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (Portuguese pronunciation: [luˈiz iˈnasju ˈlulɐ da ˈsiwvɐ] born 27 October 1945, but registered with a date of birth of 6 October 1945), known popularly as Lula,was the 35th President of Brazil. A founding member of the Workers’ Party (PT – Partido dos Trabalhadores), he ran for President three times unsuccessfully, first in the 1989 election. Lula achieved victory in the 2002 election, and was inaugurated as President on 1 January 2003. In the 2006 election he was re-elected for a second term as President, which ended on 1 January 2011.He was succeeded by his former Chief of Staff, Dilma Rousseff. He is often regarded as the most popular politician in the history of Brazil and, at the time of his mandate, one of the most in the world Social programs like Bolsa Família and Fome Zero are hallmarks of his time in office. Lula played a prominent role in recent international relations developments, including the Nuclear program of Iran and global warming, and was described as “a man with audacious ambitions to alter the balance of power among nations.He was featured in Time’s The 100 Most Influential People in the World for 2010. Early life Luiz Inácio da Silva was born on 27 October 1945 in Caetés (then a district of Garanhuns), located 155 miles (250 km) from Recife, capital of Pernambuco, a Brazilian state. He was the seventh of eight children of Aristides Inácio da Silva and Eurídice Ferreira de Melo. Two weeks after Lula’s birth, his father moved to Santos with Valdomira Ferreira de Góis, a cousin of Eurídice. In December, 1952, when Lula was only seven years old, his mother decided to migrate to São Paulo with her children to rejoin her husband. After a journey of thirteen days in a pau-de-arara (the open cargo area of a truck), they arrived in Guarujá and discovered that Aristides had formed a second family with Valdomira. Aristides’ two families lived in the same house for some time, but they didn’t get along very well, and four years later, Eurídice moved with her children to a small room in the back area of a bar in the city of São Paulo. After that, Lula rarely saw his father, who became an alcoholic and died in 1978. Lula was married twice. In 1969, he married Maria de Lourdes, who died of hepatitis in 1971, when she was pregnant with their first son, who also died.Lula and Miriam Cordeiro had a daughter, Lurian, out of wedlock in 1974.In 1974, Lula married Marisa, his current wife and at the time a widow, with whom he had three sons (he has also adopted Marisa’s son from her first marriage). Education and work Lula had little formal education. He did not learn to read until he was ten years old,and quit school after the fourth grade in order to work to help his family. His working life began at age 12 as a shoeshiner and street vendor.By age 14 he got his first formal job in a copper processing factory as a lathe operator. At age 19, he lost the little finger on his left hand in an accident while working as a press operator in an automobile parts factory.After losing his finger he had to run to several hospitals before he received medical attention. This experience increased his interest in participating within the Workers’ Union. Around that time, he became involved in union activities and held several important union posts.[12] Due to perceived incompatibility with the Brazilian military government and trade union activities, Lula’s views moved further to the political left. Union career Inspired by his brother Frei Chico, Lula joined the labour movement when he worked at Indústrias Villares. He rose steadily in the ranks, and was elected in 1975, and reelected in 1978, president of the Steel Workers’ Union of São Bernardo do Campo and Diadema. Both cities are located in the ABCD Region, home to most of Brazil’s automobile manufacturing facilities (such as Ford, Volkswagen, Toyota, Mercedes-Benz and others) and are among the most industrialized in the country. In the late 1970s, when Brazil was under military rule, Lula helped organize union activities, including major strikes. Labour courts found the strikes to be illegal, and Lula was jailed for a month. Due to this, and like other people imprisoned for political activities under the military government, Lula was awarded a lifetime pension after the regime fell. Political career On 10 February 1980, a group of academics, intellectuals, and union leaders, including Lula, founded the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) or Workers’ Party, a left-wing party with progressive ideas created in the midst of Brazil’s military government. In 1982 he added the nickname Lula to his legal name.[2] In 1983 he helped found the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) union association. In 1984 PT and Lula joined the popular Diretas Já! (Direct [Elections] Now!) campaign, demanding a direct popular vote for the next Brazilian presidential election. According to the 1967 constitution, Presidents were at that time elected by both Houses of Congress in joint session, with representatives of all State Legislatures; this was widely recognised as a mere sham as, since the March 1964 coup d’état, each “elected” President had been a retired general chosen in a closed military caucus. As a direct result of the campaign and after years of popular struggle, the 1989 elections were the first to elect a President by direct popular vote in 29 years. Elections Lula and the mayor of São Paulo, José Serra, meet in 2004. Lula defeated Serra in the 2002 presidential elections. Lula first ran for office in 1982, for the state government of São Paulo and lost. In the 1986 elections Lula won a seat in Congress with the most votes nationwide.[13] The Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT) helped write the country’s post-military government Constitution, ensuring strong constitutional guarantees for workers’ rights, but failed to achieve a proposed push for agrarian reform in the Constitutional text. Under Lula’s leadership, the PT took a stance against the Constitution in the 1988 Constituent Assembly, grudgingly agreeing to sign the convened draft at a later stage. In 1989, still as a Congressman, Lula ran as the PT candidate in the first democratic elections for President since 1960. Lula and Leonel Brizola, two popular left-wing candidates, were expected to vie for first place. Lula was viewed as the most left-leaning of the two, advocating immediate land reform and a default on the external debt. However, a minor candidate, the governor of Alagoas, Fernando Collor de Mello, quickly amassed support among the nation’s élite with a more business-friendly agenda. Collor became popular taking emphatic anti-corruption positions; he eventually beat Lula in the second round of the 1989 elections. In 1992, Collor resigned, under threat of impeachment for his alleged embezzlement of public money. Lula refused to run for re-election as a Congressman in 1990, busying himself with expanding the Workers’ Party organizations around the country. As the political scene in the 1990s came under the sway of the Brazilian real monetary stabilization plan, which ended decades of rampant inflation, former Minister of Finance Fernando Henrique Cardoso (Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB)) defeated Lula in 1994 and again, by an even wider margin, in 1998. Before winning the presidency in 2002, Lula had been a strident union organizer known for his bushy beard and Che Guevara t-shirts.[14] In the 2002 campaign, Lula foreswore both his informal clothing style and his platform plank of linking the payment of Brazil’s foreign debt to a prior thorough audit. This last point had worried economists, businessmen and banks, who feared that even a partial Brazilian default along with the existing Argentine default would have a massive ripple effect through the world economy. Embracing political consultant Duda Mendonça’s advice to pursue a more media-friendly image, Lula became President after winning the second round of the 2002 election, held on 27 October, defeating the PSDB candidate José Serra. Presidency Lula served 2 terms as president and left office on January 1, 2011. During his farewell speech he said he felt an additional burden to prove that he could handle the presidency despite his humble beginnings. “If I failed, it would be the workers’ class which would be failing; it would be this country’s poor who would be proving they did not have what it takes to rule.” Political orientation Lula climbs the ramp leading to the Palácio do Planalto, with Vice President José Alencar, for the official ceremony marking the beginning of their second term, in 2007. Since the beginning of his political career to the present, Lula has changed some of his original ideas and moderated his positions. Instead of the drastic social changes he proposed in the past, his government chose a reformist line, passing new retirement, tax, labour and judicial legislation, and discussing university reform. Very few actual reforms have been implemented so far. Some wings of the Worker’s Party have disagreed with this moderation in focus and have left the party to form dissident wings such as the Workers’ Cause Party, the United Socialist Workers’ Party and the Socialism and Freedom Party. Alliances with conservative, right wing politicians, like former Presidents José Sarney and Fernando Collor, have been a cause of disappointment for some.[16] On 1 October 2006, Lula narrowly missed winning another term in the first round of elections. He faced a run-off on 29 October which he won by a substantial margin.[17] In an interview published 26 August 2007, he said that he had no intention to seek a constitutional change so that he could run for a third consecutive term; he also said that he wanted “to reach the end of [his] term in a strong position in order to influence the succession.” Social projects Lula gives a speech in Diadema, in a public event launching further social assistance in the form of subsidized housing and Bolsa Família credits. Lula put social programs at the top of his agenda during the campaign and since being elected. Lula’s leading program since very early on has been a campaign to eradicate hunger, following the lead of projects already put into practice by the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration, but expanded within the new Fome Zero.[19] This program brings together a series of programs with the goal to end hunger in Brazil: the creation of water cisterns in Brazil’s semi-arid region of Sertão, plus actions to counter juvenile pregnancy, to strengthen family agriculture, to distribute a minimum amount of cash to the poor, and many other measures. Brazil’s largest assistance program, however, is Bolsa Família, which is an expansion based upon the previous Bolsa Escola (“School Allowance”), which was conditional on school attendance, first introduced in the city of Campinas by then-mayor José Roberto Magalhães Teixeira. Not long thereafter, other municipalities and states adopted similar programs. President Fernando Henrique Cardoso later federalized the program in 2001. In 2003, Lula formed Bolsa Família by combining Bolsa Escola with additional allowances for food and kitchen gas. This was preceded by the creation of a new ministry – the Ministry of Social Development and Eradication of Hunger. This merge reduced administrative costs and bureaucratic complexity for both the families involved and the administration of the program. Fome Zero has a government budget and accepts donations from the private sector and international organizations The Bolsa Família program has been praised internationally for its achievements, despite internal criticism accusing it of having turned into a electoral weapon. Along with projects such as Fome Zero and Bolsa Família, the Lula administration flagship program is the Growth Acceleration Program (PAC). The PAC has a total budget of $646 billion reais (US $353 billion) by 2010, and is the Lula administration’s main investment program. It is intended to strengthen Brazil’s infrastructure, and consequently to stimulate the private sector and create more jobs. The social and urban infrastructure sector was scheduled to receive $84.2 billion reais (US $46 billion). Economy Lula on a visit to the Brazilian Aluminium Company. Construction site of the Santo Antonio Dam, with funding from the Growth Acceleration Program. “Under Lula, Brazil became the world’s eighth-largest economy, more than 20 million people rose out of acute poverty and Rio de Janeiro was awarded the 2016 Summer Olympics, the first time the Games will be held in South America.” — The Washington Post, October 2010[14] As Lula gained strength in the run-up to the 2002 elections, the fear of drastic measures (and comparisons with Hugo Chávez of Venezuela) increased internal market speculation. This led to some market hysteria, contributing to a currency maxi-devaluation on the real, and a rise in Brazil’s risk factor by more than 2000 base points.[20] In the beginning of his first term, Lula’s chosen Minister of Finance was Antonio Palocci, a physician and former Trotskyist activist who had recanted his far left views while serving as the mayor of the sugarcane processing industry center of Ribeirão Preto, in the state of São Paulo. Lula also chose Henrique Meirelles of the Brazilian Social Democracy Party, a prominent market-oriented economist, as head of the Brazilian Central Bank. As a former CEO of the BankBoston he was well-known to the market.[21] Meirelles was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 2002 as a member of the opposing PSDB, but resigned as deputy to become Governor of the Central Bank.[21] Silva and his cabinet followed in part the lead of the previous government,[22] by renewing all agreements with the International Monetary Fund, which were signed by the time Argentina defaulted on its own deals in 2001. His government achieved a satisfactory primary budget surplus in the first two years, as required by the IMF agreement, exceeding the target for the third year. In late 2005, the government paid off its debt to the IMF in full, two years ahead of schedule.[23] Three years after the election, Lula had slowly but firmly gained the market’s confidence, and sovereign risk indexes fell to around 250 points. The government’s choice of inflation targeting kept the economy stable, and was complimented during the 2005 World Economic Forum in Davos. The Brazilian economy was generally not affected by the mensalão scandal.[24] In early 2006, however, Palocci had to resign as finance minister due to his involvement in an abuse of power scandal. Lula then appointed Guido Mantega, a member of the PT and an economist by profession, as finance minister. Mantega, a former Marxist who had written a Ph.D. thesis (in Sociology) on the history of economic ideas in Brazil from a left-wing viewpoint, is presently known for his criticism of high interest rates, something he claims satisfy banking interests. So far, however, Brazil’s interest rates remain among the highest in the world. Mantega has been supportive of a higher employment by the state. Not long after the start of his second term, Lula, alongside his cabinet, announced the new Growth Acceleration Program (the Programa de Aceleração de Crescimento, or PAC, in Portuguese), an investment program to solve many of the problems that prevent the Brazilian economy from expanding more rapidly. The measures include investment in the creation and repair of roads and railways, simplification and reduction of taxation, and modernization on the country’s energy production to avoid further shortages. The money promised to be spent in this Program is considered to be around R$ 500 billion (more than 250 billion dollars) over four years. Part of the measures still depend on approval by Congress. Prior to taking office, Lula had been a critic of privatization policies. In his government, however, his administration has created public-private partnership concessions for seven federal roadways.[25] After decades as the largest foreign debtor among emerging economies, Brazil became a net creditor for the first time in January 2008.[26] By mid-2008, both Fitch ratings and S&P had elevated the classification of Brazilian debt from speculative to investment grade. Banks have had record profit in Lula’s government.[27] Foreign policy Main article: Foreign relations of Brazil BRIC leaders in 2008 – Manmohan Singh, Dmitry Medvedev, Hu Jintao and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. President Barack Obama greets President Lula in the Oval Office, March 2009. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and President Lula According to The Economist of 2 March 2006, Lula has a pragmatic foreign policy, seeing himself as a negotiator, not an ideologue. As a result, he has befriended both Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez and former U.S. President George W. Bush.[citation needed] Leading a large and competitive agricultural state, Lula generally opposes and criticizes farm subsidies, and this position has been seen as one of the reasons for the walkout of developing nations and subsequent collapse of the Cancún World Trade Organization talks in 2003 over G8 agricultural subsidies.[28] Brazil is becoming influential in dialogue between South America and developed countries, especially the United States. It played an important role in negotiations in internal conflicts of Venezuela and Colombia, and concentrated efforts on strengthening Mercosur.[29] president Roh Moo-hyun and president Lula During the Lula administration, Brazilian foreign trade has increased dramatically, changing from deficits to several surpluses since 2003. In 2004 the surplus reached $29 billion due to a substantial increase in global demand for commodities. Brazil has also provided UN peace-keeping troops and leads a peace-keeping mission in Haiti.[30] Lula also gained increasing stature in the Southern hemisphere buoyed by economic growth in his country. In 2008, he was said to have become a “point man for healing regional crises,” as in the escalation of tensions between Colombia, Venezuela and Ecuador. Former Finance Minister, and current advisor, Delfim Netto, said: “Lula is the ultimate pragmatist.”[31] He travelled to more than 80 countries during his presidency.[32] A goal of Lula’s foreign policy has been for the country to gain a seat as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. In this he has so far been unsuccessful.[32] And Lula was considered to have pulled off a major coup with Turkey in regards to getting Iran to send its uranium abroad in contravention of western calls.[32][33] Lula and his wife, former First Lady Marisa Letícia, pictured in the Palácio da Alvorada, the official residence of the Brazilian president. The condemnation of Iranian Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani for the crime of adultery, and who was originally to be executed by stoning led to calls for Lula da Silva’s intervention on her behalf. On the issue, Lula commented that “I need to respect the laws of a [foreign] country. If my friendship with the president of Iran and the respect that I have for him is worth something, if this woman has become a nuisance, we will receive her in Brazil.” The Iranian government, however, declined the offer.[34][35] Lula da Silva’s actions and comments sparked controversy. Mina Ahadi, an Iranian Communist politician, welcomed Lula da Silva’s offer of asylum for Ashtiani, but also reiterated a call for an end to stoning altogether and requesting a cessation of recognition and support for the Iranian government.[36][37][38][39] Jackson Diehl, the right-leaning[citation needed] Deputy Editorial Page Editor of The Washington Post, called Lula da Silva the “best friend of tyrants in the democratic world” and criticised his actions.[34] Shirin Ebadi, Iranian human rights activist and Nobel Peace Prize winner, viewed Lula da Silva’s intervention in a more positive light, calling it a “powerful message to the Islamic Republic.”[40] Corruption scandals and controversy Lula’s administration was plagued by corruption scandals, most notably the mensalão and sanguessugas scandals, in his first term. Although the independent office of the Brazilian Attorney-General presented charges against 40 politicians and officials involved in the Mensalão affair, no charges have ever been presented against Lula himself, and top officials involved, such as Roberto Jefferson, José Dirceu, Luiz Gushiken and Humberto Costa denied he was aware of any wrongdoing. Having lost numerous government aides in the face of political turmoil, Lula has come largely unscathed in the eyes of the public, with overwhelming approval rates. His administration has been heavily criticized for relying on local political barons, like José Sarney, Jader Barbalho, Renan Calheiros and Fernando Collor, to ensure a majority in Congress. He lost some important votes there, though, for example when the Senate barred the financial tax from being reinstated. Another frequent reproach relates to his ambiguous treatment of the left wing in the Workers’ Party. Analysts fear that he occasionally gives in to their wishes for tighter government control of the media and increased state intervention: in 2004, he pushed for the creation of a “Federal Council of Journalists” (CFJ) and a “National Cinema Agency” (Ancinav), the latter of which would overhaul funding for electronic communications. Both proposals ultimately failed amid concerns that they would lead to excessive state intervention over free speech.[41][42] Fernando Cardoso, Lula’s predecessor as the president of Brazil, has accused Lula of denying any positive achievements allegedly made by the Cardoso administration.[43] In March 2009, before an appearance at the G-20 summit meeting in London, Lula caused an uproar when he declared that the economic crisis was caused by “the irrational behavior of white people with blue eyes, who before seemed to know everything, and now have shown they don’t know anything.”[44] Despite a decision upheld by the Brazilian Supreme Court, Lula decided to deny extradition of the Italian far-left militant Cesare Battisti. Awards and recognition Approval ratings of Lula from April 2006 until December 2010. At the end of his term he had an approval rating of 87%. Source: CNT / Sensus. Since Lula began his term as President, he has attained numerous medals, such as the Brazilian Order of Merit, the Brazilian Orders of Military, Naval and Aeronautical Merit, the Brazilian Order of Scientific Merit, the Order of the Southern Cross, the Mexican Order of the Aztec Eagle[45] and the Norwegian Order of Royal Merit. He also received the Prince of Asturias Award for International Cooperation in 2003[46] and was the chief guest at India’s Republic Day celebration in 2004.[47] He was also given the Jawaharlal Nehru Award in 2006.[48] He was rated the most popular Brazilian president of all time with an 80.5% approval rate in his last months as the president.[49] US President Barack Obama’s greeted him at the G20 summit in London (April, 2009) saying: “That’s my man right there… The most popular politician on earth.”[50] Lula was chosen as the 2009 Man of the Year by prominent European newspapers El País and Le Monde. The Financial Times ranks Lula among the 50 faces that shaped the 2000s.[51] On 20 December 2008, he was named the 18th most important person in the world by Newsweek magazine, and was the only Latin American person featured in a list of 50 most influential World leaders.[52] On July 7, 2009, he received UNESCO’s Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize at UNESCO Headquarters in Paris, France. On 5 November 2009, President Lula was awarded the Chatham House Prize, awarded to the statesperson who is deemed by Chatham House members to have made the most significant contribution to the improvement of international relations in the previous year. On 29 January 2010, President Lula was awarded as a Global Statesman by the World Economic Forum, held in Davos, Switzerland, but could not attend the ceremony due to problems of high blood pressure. In 2010, Time Magazine named Lula one of the most influential leaders of the world. More news on Lula Brazil: Lula criticizes arrest of WikiLeaks’ Julian Assange Lula described the WikiLeaks founder as a champion for free expression. RIO DE JANEIRO, Brazil — Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva had trouble remembering the name of the anti-secrecy website WikiLeaks, but he said today he supports what it’s doing. “What’s it’s name? Viki-leaks? Like that?” Lula asked an audience in Brasilia, seeming to go off-text during a speech about infrastructure. “To WikiLeaks: my solidarity in disclosing these things and my protest on behalf of free speech.” In the two minutes he discussed the website that has embarrassed the U.S. government by releasing a trove of secret diplomatic cables, Lula described the organization’s jailed founder, Julian Assange, as a champion for free expression. Assange was arrested in London this week on sexual-assault charges — accusations he has dismissed as a smear orchestrated by powerful critics. Lula echoed this interpretation. “I don’t know if they put up signs like those from Westerns saying, ‘wanted dead or alive,’” Lula said. “The man was arrested and I’m not seeing any protest defending freedom of expression.” Leaked cables dealing with Brazil have not so far caused much of an uproar. Several detail American diplomats’ irritation with what they called Brazilian officials’ reluctance to take tough public stands on terrorism. “This sensitivity results, in part, from their fear of stigmatizing the large Muslim community of Brazil or prejudicing the area’s image as a tourist destination,” then-U.S. Ambassador Clifford Sobel wrote in a 2008 message. “It is also a public posture designed to avoid being too closely linked to what is seen as the U.S.’ overly aggressive War on Terrorism.” In a cable released this week, Sobel told Washington that Brazil’s defense minister, Nelson Jobim, revealed during a private breakfast that the then-secretary general of Brazil’s foreign ministry, Samuel Guimaraes, “‘hates the United States’ and is actively looking to create problems in the relationship.” Another leaked cable relayed an anonymous Red Cross official’s raw appraisal of the unchecked violence in Rio de Janeiro’s slums, or favelas. “It is his assessment that the situation in many Rio favelas today is, for all practical purposes, a full-blown internal armed conflict, and not simply an urban crime problem,” Rio de Janeiro’s American consul general, Dennis Walter Hearne, wrote on Nov. 3, 2009. “He makes a compelling case.” In his remarks today, Lula did not appear to address any of the leaked cables specifically but instead criticized the U.S. government’s public condemnation of WikiLeaks. “Instead of blaming the person who disclosed it, blame the person who wrote this nonsense,” he said. “Otherwise, we wouldn’t have the scandal we now have.”

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